Students will review prior readings (Gangs in America’s Communities 2012 James Howell-Chapter #8) and Klein Journal Article www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/188510.pdf to prepare a 10-page paper that will compare and contrast (analyze) one traditional gang and one neo-traditional gang. The assignment will encompass gang structure, factors in gang membership, group dynamics, and aggression. Paper will be completed in APA format.
Introduction: What are Traditional and Neo-Traditional Gangs?
The vast nature of the United States is both a blessing and a curse. This is because the vastness of the land can be exploited for a variety of purposes, with some of these purposes being illegal activity. The high number of cities that span across the entire US, one in almost every county, is also a core factor to be understood in the matter relating to street gangs and their activities.
The fact alone that some neighborhoods may remain largely occupied by the same families for long periods of time has contributed to the development of strong bonds and attachments between the families in question. This in itself has greatly contributed to the rise of the street and criminal gangs across the US (Klein and Maxson, 2001).
As early as the 1960s, the Black Panther Movement sought to ensure the security of their neighborhoods, and especially so in African-American neighborhoods. However, as this movement collapsed, a power vacuum of sorts was created and the result is seen in the vast number of criminal street gangs today. This paper seeks to analyze two types of criminal street gangs in the US, the traditional gangs and the neo-traditional gangs.
So, what are traditional and neo-traditional gangs?
The traditional gangs have been in existence for periods longer than 20 years, and exhibit highly detailed structure and hierarchy such as the Crips and the Bloods (Melde and Esbensen, 2012). Neo-traditional gangs, on the other hand, are relatively young, often less than ten years and possibly up to even 15 years.
Additionally, their structure is rudimentary compared to the traditional gangs, and their membership is also lower such as the True Bosses Only (TBO) Crew. However, these two kinds of street gangs still exhibit clear similarities and stark differences in varying proportions. This paper attempts to explore these similarities and differences with respect to the Crips of Los Angeles (the traditional gang), California, and The True Bosses Only (TBO) crew of Bushwick, Brooklyn, New York (the neo-traditional gang).
Gang Structure
Notably, in traditional and neo-traditional gangs, structure plays a core role because it delegates tasks and assigns roles to all gang members, thus allowing for the smooth functioning of the gang. In this way, there can be limited conflict within gang members over matters such as authority, jurisdiction, and power, which serves to ensure the continuity and success of the gang (Klein and Maxson, 2001). Both the Crips and the TBO crew exhibit highly elaborate hierarchical structures, especially compared to other kinds of street gangs such as compressed and collective gangs.
In both the Crips and the TBO crew, the gang members are given clear ranks, and this is often based on the duration of which the individuals have been gang members and the number of contributions and work that they do for the gang (Ellis, 2009). Through these two criteria, individuals in both gangs could apply themselves insofar as committing crimes is concerned in order to rise through the ranks (McGloin, 2005). However, many of these titles are loose ranks and do not often signify any power and authority in gang matters. In essence, they are measures of the amount of influence and experience that individuals possess in the gang.
Consequently, in the Crips, there are roughly six influence-based ranks. The lowest rank in the group is Tiny Gangster (T.G.), and is reserved for gang members that are less than 18 years of age. The following rank is that of Baby Gangster (B.G), and is held by gang members that are above the age of 18, essentially adults, but who have very little experience in gang activity, usually less than five years. The third rank from the bottom is that of Original Baby Gangster (O.B.G.), and is held by individuals after five years of actively being involved in gang activity, which is also called banging (“Crips Gang Hierarchy”, 2013).
The fourth rank is that of Original Gangster (O.G.), and is awarded to individuals after ten years of actively banging. Next is the Double O.G. rank, which is acquired after 15 years of banging, and finally the Triple O.G. rank. This highest rank is awarded after 20 years of active banging (“Crips Gang Hierarchy”, 2013). For the TBO crew, also known as Team Bang Out, there are no known influence-based ranks. This is perhaps attributed to the fact that the gang in itself was young compared to the Crips, and so was perhaps in the process of developing ranks based on influence.
However, it is of importance to note that there were clear-cut ranks based on power, authority and gang-related affairs in the TBO crew. Having been founded in 2003 by a group of eight middle-school students, the gang has grown substantially (Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 2012). As a result, there were definitive ranks.
The founding members of the gang were referred to as the Top Gangsters (T.G.s), and they were the most senior in the gang. Directly below them were O.G.’s and these primarily consisted of the initial gang recruits. Below the O.G.s were the Team Leaders, Warriors and Bangers, with no clear structure on the definitive duties of Warriors and Team Leaders (Pozarycki, 2012). The Bangers, however, were the foot soldiers of the movement, often being employed by the O.G.s and T.G.s to carry out criminal activities such as robberies, burglaries, assaults, and thefts.
When focusing on the structure of the Crips with regards to tasks, the list is more elaborate and much longer compared to the TBO crew. This is attributed to the fact that the Crips have been active for many years, and as such, they engage in a vast array of criminal activities that demand elaborate and detailed organization. The Crips are headed by a single leader, who is in charge of the entire gang. Below the leader, there are advisors, who are often sourced from outside to advise on the political, legal, and financial facets of the gang‘s business (“Crips Gang Hierarchy”, 2013).
In addition to these, there are gang members that are in charge of supplies, communications, and political organizations. These serve their respective purposes with respect to gang business. There is also a Ranking Council and Board members, who are, often, Triple, Double, and gang O.G.’s who discuss gang activities (“Crips Gang Hierarchy”, 2013).
Other roles that are represented in the hierarchical structure of the Crips include Treasurer, Chief Enforcer, Security Chief, Bookkeeper, Gun Supplier, Area Leader, and Trustees and Representatives (“Crips Gang Hierarchy”, 2013). Through this elaborate and detailed structure, the gang can function as far as achieving gang goals is concerned (Klein and Maxson, 2001). It also elaborates the detailed delegation of tasks, allowing for maximum productivity from gang members.
Gang Membership
For many gangs, membership is the most important facet because it increases the gang’s power and ensures its survival and continuity. In a world where the size of the gang determines the amount of ‘respect’ that gang members get in their neighborhoods and on the street, having many members is a huge advantage. In both the cases of the TBO crew and the Crips, influence, and status are major factors that influence gang membership (Howell, 2012).
To fully comprehend these concepts with respect to gang membership, one must understand the neighborhoods around which many gangs are located (Ruble and Turner, 2000). It is worthwhile noting that street gangs are located, and often based, in the poor neighborhoods of cities and towns. This is because in these areas, the quality of life that many individuals and families lead is often poor, and usually characterized by violence, prostitution, drugs, and crime (Ellis, 2009).
Consequently, it is only logical that the inhabitants of these neighborhoods become accustomed to such a state of life over time. This state is also marked by high unemployment rates, low wages, and poverty. However, within the same areas, criminal activity does appear to pay, seeing as many individuals that engage in such activities tend to have more disposable income and thus have more respect in their communities (Pitts, 2008). This naturally sparks and inspires admiration among children and the youth, many of who look up to these individuals and wish to follow in their footsteps. As such, it becomes a cyclic problem, and one that is driven by status, influence, and money (McGloin, 2005).
The pursuit of these factors forces many young individuals in gang neighborhoods to join gangs, as they often appear to be the only avenues through which the individuals can hope for a life better than the one they grew up living. This is often the core reason for many young individuals joining gangs, as in the cases of both the Crips and the TBO crew (Melde and Esbensen, 2012).
Another core reason that has often been cited as a fundamental influence for many individuals joining gangs, such as the Crips and the TBO crew, is the need for protection. For many African-American neighborhoods and households in the US, the police force is often associated with negative connotations and dire consequences (Pitts, 2008). The core point that must be understood from this is the inability of many African American neighborhoods to rely on the police for their protection.
This is often driven by the fact that in many gang-run neighborhoods, the gang members are essentially the ‘police’, seeing as they are responsible for protecting their neighborhood. In exchange, they are given respect and freedom of action, which are in their situations significant rewards (Ellis, 2009). Because of this, many individuals would rather join their local gangs, seeing as they are sure to be protected both within their locales, as well as when they leave their locales.
The long-standing turf wars that exist between many street gangs also contribute to this (Howell, 2012). Fear of getting attacked in other neighborhoods drives many individuals to join gangs for protection, as was the case in both gangs in question. This similarity stands for almost all kinds of gangs, primarily due to their territorial nature (Klein and Maxson, 2001).
For the Los Angeles Crips, it is the fear of rival gangs including the Bloods and the likes of the People Nation in other neighborhoods that drives many young individuals to join (Melde and Esbensen, 2012). In the case of the TBO crew, it was the fear of rival gangs in Brooklyn such as the Gangster Killer Bloods. This need for protection is a core factor in influencing the membership of both gangs.
However, it must be noted that in the case of the TBO crew, fear was also a core factor. Unlike the case of Crips where fear within the neighborhood is rarely used to influence membership, the TBO crew had inspired sufficient fear in Bushwick (Pozarycki, 2012). This was so much so that many young individuals preferred to join the gang rather than remain on neutral ground where they could also just as easily be attacked (Pitts, 2008).
In fact, in the case of the TBO crew, their boldness had grown to levels where they openly carried firearms in the Bushwick neighborhood, thus inspiring fear even within the residents of Bushwick. This highly contributed to the impressive growth that this neo-traditional gang experienced in such a short amount of time.
Group Dynamics
The dynamics of many gangs are often complicated and are especially influenced by the nature of the gang (Klein and Maxson, 2001). In essence, the dynamics of a traditional gang will greatly differ from that of a specialty gang, seeing as they serve to achieve vastly different purposes. However, one clear similarity between the Crips and the TBO crew is their engagement in assorted crimes. Unlike specialty gangs that choose to focus on a narrow array of crimes, the traditional and neo-traditional gangs are much less picky.
As such, they can engage in burglary and robbery just as easily as they can in murder (Pitts, 2008). This absence of a ‘code of conduct’ insofar as crime is concerned contributes towards the appeal that such gangs have on potential members. This is because it allows gang members to engage in whatever crime they feel suits them, provided they contribute towards the well-being and growth of the gang.
In addition to this portfolio of assorted crimes, both gangs in this case exhibit an exuberant dedication towards loyalty and turf protection. Loyalty is especially important to both gangs, and gang members that perform acts considered to be disloyal are punished. Interestingly, in both gangs, there are no rules that determine the punishments members face, and as such punishments are often left to the discretion of the disciplinarian within the gang (Ruble and Turner, 2000).
The matter of turf protection arises from the fact that the vast majority of gangs are territorial in nature (Ellis, 2009). This means that the gangs in question will constantly protect their territories from rival gangs. This encompasses preventing rival gang members from committing crimes in their neighborhoods as well as inhabiting their neighborhoods (Melde and Esbensen, 2012). Because of this, territorial wars are often witnessed in gangs, and both the Crips and the TBO crew have experienced territorial wars with rival groups.
In addition to these two, vengeance is also a core factor that influences group dynamics. Gangs generally function from the concepts of loyalty and brotherhood or sisterhood. As such, when gangs get involved in conflict with rival gangs and some of their gang members die in the process, the code of the gang demands that their dead friends be avenged.
This then continues the cycle of violence (McGloin, 2005). This notion of vengeance serves to inspire loyalty and dedication within the gang, as members feel that if they die, they too will be avenged by their fellow members. Such is the case in both traditional and non-traditional gangs, as exhibited in the modus operandi of both the Crips and TBO crew.
Another similarity in the dynamics of both gangs comes in the form of sub-sets and factions. Traditional gangs are generally very large, and often exhibit large membership numbers. Their need to expand and cover more territory often results in the creation of sub-sets and factions that work as allies of the gang, and in some cases even taking up part of the gang’s name (Klein and Maxson, 2001). The Crips are known to have various sub-sets and factions across the US, with one example being the G Stone Crips, a set of the Crips located in Brooklyn, New York.
For a neo-traditional gang, the TBO crew had an impressive set of achievements, which also included the formation of two different sets-the 730 Krookz and the RGz (Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 2012). This ability to form sets and collaborate with other gangs so as to expand their territory made the TBO crew a successful gang, and is reminiscent of the baby steps that the Crips took during its formative years.
This similarity served to empower both gangs and help them expand their territory (Howell, 2012), which is au fond one of the core functions that traditional and neo-traditional gangs have (Ruble and Turner, 2000). The final similarity between these two gangs is the use of hierarchy to carry out gang activities and tasks (McGloin, 2005).
Moreover, in both structures, as observed, there were designated foot soldiers that were used to commit criminal activity. This highlights the fact that group dynamics were designed to have the young, inexperienced, and often new gang members as foot soldiers Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 2012). They would carry out crimes in order to rise through the ranks. This design is meant to ensure that the more respected and influential gang members remain less exposed to the danger involved in criminal activity. This is part of a work-reward system that both gangs exhibit. Individuals are rewarded based on the amount of gang work they do (Ellis, 2009).
By doing more, members in both the Crips and the TBO crew can rise up the ranks and eventually stop being foot soldiers by ‘putting in the work’. The only difference that these two gangs exhibit in terms of dynamics is the inclusion of graffiti in the Crips’ portfolio, coupled with their disrespect of the letter ‘B’ due to the fact that it is connected to their arch-rivals, the Bloods, something the TBO crew does not do.
Aggression
Aggression is a core part of gang culture and activity, with members often being encouraged to be as aggressive and violent as possible, if need be, to achieve their purpose with regard to gang activity (Klein and Maxson, 2001). This is exhibited in the high levels of aggression that both the Crips and the TBO crew exhibit in their activities. This is supported by the fact that the vast majority of gang members that are apprehended by the law are often charged with serious crimes such as murder.
However, the Crips are seen to be more violent and aggressive than the TBO crew. Although aggressive, the TBO crew is involved primarily in petty crimes and intimidation. The Crips, on the other hand, embrace violence a great deal and are regularly implicated in crimes such as murder (Melde and Esbensen, 2012). While there are a variety of reasons behind the aggression displayed by both gangs, the bottom line remains the fact that both gangs are involved in highly aggressive practices, which increases the similarities between these two gangs.
Conclusion
Gang culture and membership have been on the rise in the US, and especially in and around city neighborhoods. It is worth noting that both traditional and neo-traditional gangs exhibit many similarities in terms of aggression, gang dynamics, structure, and factors contributing to membership.
However, the difference in terms of age between the two gangs is responsible for the vast territories and great influence that traditional gangs possess over neo-traditional gangs. Nonetheless, the comparison between the Crips and the TBO crew shows that for any neo-traditional gang to evolve and become a traditional one, all it takes is time.
References
Brooklyn Daily Eagle. (2016). Bushwick gang members charged with murder, conspiracy, robbery after takedown | Brooklyn Daily Eagle. Brooklyneagle.com. Retrieved 16 August 2016, from http://www.brooklyneagle.com/articles/bushwick-gang-members-charged-murder-conspiracy-robbery-after-takedown
Crips Gang Hierarchy. (2013). Hierarchystructure.com. Retrieved 18 August 2016, from http://www.hierarchystructure.com/crips-gang-hierarchy/
Ellis, A. (2009). Street Gangs, Migration and Ethnicity. Children & Society, 23(6), 471-472. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1099-0860.2009.00221.x
Howell, J. (2012). Gangs in America’s communities. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publications.
Klein, M. & Maxson, C. (2001). Gang Structures, Crime Patterns, and Police Responses: A Summary Report. 93-IJ-CX-0044.
McGloin, J. (2005). Policy and Intervention Considerations of a Network Analysis of Street Gangs*. Criminology Public Policy, 4(3), 607-635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2005.00306.x
Melde, C. & Esbensen, F. (2012). Gangs and Violence: Disentangling the Impact of Gang Membership on the Level and Nature of Offending. Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 29(2), 143-166. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10940-012-9164-z
Pitts, J. (2008). Describing and defining youth gangs. Safer Communities, 7(1), 26-32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17578043200800006
Pozarycki, R. (2012). ‘Bosses’ Gang Gets Fired: Cops Lock Up Deadly Bushwick Crew. Times Newsweekly.Com. Retrieved from http://www.timesnewsweekly.com/news/2012-12-21/Crime_(and)_Cases/BOSSES_GANG_GETS_FIRED.html
Ruble, N. & Turner, W. (2000). A Systemic Analysis of the Dynamics and Organization of Urban Street Gangs. The American Journal of Family Therapy, 28(2), 117-132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/019261800261707
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